Apples to Apples: Good and Bad Counterfactuals
How many bad apples are
needed to spoil the bunch?
When it comes to
counterfactuals, perhaps not that many.
There is evidence that Gresham’s Law applies to the public perception of
counterfactual history, in the sense that bad counterfactuals can drive out
good ones – at least in the minds of outside observers who are eager to dismiss
the entire genre based on its weakest examples.
A good example of a bad
counterfactual appeared last week, when President Trump – building on an
earlier howler about Andrew Jackson living well past his prime and preventing the Civil War – declared in his State of the Union address
that:
If I had not been elected president of the United States, we would right
now, in my opinion, be in a major war with North Korea.
The Washington Post went on to report that "his prepared remarks added that he thought "potentially millions of people" would have been killed if that war had broken out, but Trump didn't say those words as he spoke."
The Washington Post went on to report that "his prepared remarks added that he thought "potentially millions of people" would have been killed if that war had broken out, but Trump didn't say those words as he spoke."
In fact, Trump may actually
have brought us closer to nuclear war with North Korea, at least according to many
observers. (See, for example, the Vox essay, “How Trump Made the North
Korea Crisis Worse,” LINK).
While people’s political
views will shape whether or not they accept Trump’s counterfactual, there is no
question that it is a comparatively crude, inordinately speculative, and blatantly
self-serving example of “what if” thinking.
A bad apple in other words.
But let's not forget about the good ones.
A bad apple in other words.
But let's not forget about the good ones.
In an essay
in today’s Washington Post, Megan McArdle offers an instructive counterfactual
insight that shows how we can learn from the past and apply the lessons to the
present and future.
She writes:
She writes:
Trump never commanded a majority of
Republican primary voters. He commanded a plurality only because too many
candidates were splitting the major Republican constituencies.
If the field had winnowed earlier, Trump
would have lost. Instead, through arrogance, through narcissism and through
disbelief, the party’s leaders dallied until Trump’s momentum was unstoppable,
and a hapless outsider at the head of a minority faction had somehow taken over
their party.
After
the cease-fire, most of those Republican leaders would end up cravenly
capitulating to Trump, to the lies, the incompetence, the vulgarity…Terrified
of his voters but not quite able to bring themselves to endorse his behavior,
Republicans have mostly settled on pretending it’s not happening. Thus, the GOP
is both a victim of Trump’s gaslighting and its guiltiest accomplice.
Do
Democrats face a similar threat from far left presidential hopefuls?
McArdle’s answer comes
from an unlikely source, former Wisconsin Governor, Scott Walker. She argues
that he was onto something in 2015 when he begged “his fellow
no-hopers to “clear the field” so that “the voters can focus on a limited
number of candidates who can offer a positive…alternative to the current
front-runner.”
This is a mathematical problem the Democrats would be well advised to solve.
This is a mathematical problem the Democrats would be well advised to solve.
Thanks for the warning,
counterfactual history!
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