From the Archives: A. J. P. Taylor’s Myriad German History Counterfactuals
I’ve discovered my new favorite counterfactualist -- at
least for this week. It’s A. J. P.
Taylor, whose 1945 book, The Course of
German History, I’ve been reading with great interest.
It’s one of those grand narratives that covers a thousand years
in a couple hundred pages. As a
result, it’s full of sweeping generalizations that lend themselves to what
Hugo, the discontented communist revolutionary in Jean Paul Sartre’s 1948 play,
Dirty Hands, calls “iffing.”
Taylor’s counterfactuals come in a variety of forms, which can
be typologized as follows:
1) The deterministic
counterfactual: Near the
outset of his narrative, Taylor describes how Germany’s existence was
determined by its geographical location between Roman/French civilization to
the west and the Slavic world to the east, battling both at different
junctures. He goes on to speculate
that “if a natural cataclysm had placed
a broad sea between the Germans and the French, the German character would not
have been dominated by militarism.
If – a more conceivable possibility – the Germans had succeeded in
exterminating their Slav neighbors as the Anglo-Saxons in North America
succeeded in exterminating the Indians, the effect would have been what it has
been on the Americans: the Germans would have become advocates of brotherly
love and international reconciliation.
Constant surroundings shaped…[the] German national character….”
It is ironic, of course, that Taylor uses counterfactual
thinking to bolster an argument supporting geographical determinism. (After all, counterfactuals are usually
seen as antithetical to deterministic thinking). Yet, Taylor makes a valid point by showing how different
geographical circumstances would have made the German character different. On the other hand, it is jarring to see
how Taylor subversively critiques American history, while (dubiously) implying that the Germans’ national character would have benefitted
from the completion of the Holocaust.
(Really? If the Nazis had
been more like the Americans and eradicated their own “enemy population” of
Slavs and Jews, they would have become champions of human rights? This seems highly unlikely).
2) The secondary
source counterfactual: Taylor quotes Napoleon Bonaparte (without citing the
source) as having once said that “if the
Emperor Charles V had put himself at the head of German Protestantism in 1520
he would have created a united German nation and solved the German question.” Taylor adds, “This was the decisive
moment of Germany history,” a moment when it could have zigged but zagged. Taylor thereupon proceeds to further
criticize Martin Luther, his bête noir, in the form of another counterfactual,
which we can call
3) The sarcastic
counterfactual: Taylor lambasts Luther for having abandoned the German
peasants during their uprising in 1525 and rejecting the Catholic church’s Renaissance-era
construction project of St. Peters’ Basilica in Rome for its opulence. Taylor writes that Luther “hated art,
culture, intellect” and “turned with repugnance from all the values of Western
civilization” proceeding to “set himself up against Michael Angelo and
Raphael. Even the technical
occasion of his breach with Rome was symbolic: he objected to the sale of
indulgences in order to raise money for the building of St. Peter’s – if it had been for the purpose of
massacring German peasants, Luther might have never become a Protestant.”
This snarky comment shows how counterfactuals are often
employed for purely rhetorical purposes.
It’s nonsensical, of course, indeed it's an instance of anachronistic speculation, to imagine Johannes Tetzel selling indulgences to
massacre Protestants in 1517 (there weren't any yet in existence). Taylor merely includes the remark as a jibe – as an instance of twisting
the knife once it’s already been inserted. It is somewhat amusing, however....
Finally, Taylor further embraces conventional nightmare and
fantasy counterfactuals.
He validates the Peace of Westphalia by writing that without
it, Germany would have been worse of than it already was in the Thirty Years’
War, writing: “Westphalia was imposed on
Germany by foreign powers; but without the intervention of these foreign powers
the state of Germany would have been still worse. Habsburg strength could never have maintained the position
of 1629. New rivals would have
arisen, and the wars between the princes would have continued until Germany was
utterly destroyed.”
He subsequently discusses Emperor Joseph II’s attempt to
acquire Bavaria as part of the Habsburg effort to unify Germany in the 18th
century, noting: “To be really German
Emperor, Joseph needed a larger nucleus of German subjects. This was the motive for his
long-pursued plan of acquiring Bavaria in exchange for the distant and
non-German Austrian Netherlands.
Had this plan succeeded, the whole future of Germany would have been
different: the majority of Habsburg subjects would have been Germans, and the
majority of Germans would have been Habsburg subjects. Habsburg power would speedily have
extended to the Main, and Prussia would have been fortunate to survive even in
north Germany.”
For the record, all of these counterfactuals appear merely
the first chapter of his book!
Whether or not Taylor should be seen as a pioneer of counterfactual
thinking among 20th century historians remains to be seen. But further research into the great
works of modern western historiography may eventually allow us to draw larger
conclusions.
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